The History of the Post Office in British North America — Edition Insights

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In Category - Architecture
Smith, William, 1859- Project Gutenberg 2011 Not confirmed
Postal service -- Great Britain -- Colonies; Canada. Post Office Department; Postal service -- Canada -- History Readers of public-domain and historical texts
Project Gutenberg digital edition en

Edition facts

Words 148,243
Reading time 645 min
Text sections 20

This digital edition of The History of the Post Office in British North America — Edition Insights is described by source-level measurements including 148,243 words, 10 hr 45 min estimated reading time, and 20 detected text sections.

The text analysis averages about 27.5 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.

Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Postal service -- Great Britain -- Colonies,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.

A detailed institutional history of the Canadian postal system from 1639 to 1870, written by a former Post Office Department secretary. The work traces the evolution from colonial extensions of the British General Post Office to a unified Dominion service, drawing on official records and Franklin's account book.
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Nor was the case of New York materially improved in 1708. Cornbury, in that year, pleaded with the board of trade for a regular packet service to some part of the American continent. Sometimes many months elapsed, without his hearing in any way from home. Before he received his last letters in May, he had heard nothing from England for fifteen months.

There were but two safe ways of sending letters to England, which were the Virginia fleet, and the Mast fleet of New England. From Virginia there was no post, and it was very hard to know when that fleet would sail. From Boston there was a post by which Cornbury could hear once a week in summer, and once a fortnight in winter, so that they had a sure conveyance by the Mast fleet. Advantage had to be taken, as opportunity offered, Cornbury informed the board of trade, of the packets running from the West Indies to England, but as several of the packet boats had been captured, this was a very uncertain mode of communication.

But, although the three groups of colonies had each its own connection with England, until 1672 there was no connection whatever between these groups. Nor was any thought to be necessary. The groups were separated from one another not only by space, but by social and political differences.

The Puritans of New England and the Cavaliers of Virginia, had little in common but the memories of a quarrel, which was still warm; and New York was still largely Dutch, though even at that date it was taking on the cosmopolitan character, which has since distinguished it.

As for the trade of the colonies, Mr. Woodrow Wilson stated--"the main lines of trade run straight to the mother country, and were protected when there was need by English fleets. Both the laws of parliament and their own interest bound the trade of the colonies to England. The Navigation Act of 1660 forbade all trade with the colonies except in English bottoms; forbade also, the shipment of tobacco any whither but to England itself; and an act of 1663 forbade the importation of anything at all except out of England, which it was then once for all determined must be the entrepot and place of staple for all foreign trade. It was the Dutch against whom these acts were aimed."[9]

As has happened so often, however, that which could not be accomplished by reason of the feebleness of the common interest was brought about by the presence of impending danger. In 1672, war broke out between the English and the Dutch, the object of which was maritime supremacy and colonial expansion. The stakes were the colonies in Africa, the East Indies, the West Indies and America.

The English having ousted their rivals from New York presented a strong front on the North American continent; and the only thing lacking was cohesion among the several colonies. At the outbreak of the war, the king directed governor Lovelace, of New York, to see what could be done towards establishing a regular postal communication between the colonies.

Lovelace arranged for a monthly service by courier between New York and Boston.[10] There was no road between the two places; and governor Winthrop was asked to provide an expert woodman, who would guide the courier by the easiest road.

The courier was directed to blaze the route, and it was hoped that a good road might be made along the route pursued. The courier made his trips for a few months only, when New York was captured by a Dutch fleet which came suddenly upon it. The town was restored to the English at the conclusion of the war in 1674, and with the disappearance of the danger, the communication also was dropped.

A few years later danger of a more serious character threatened from another quarter, and again the colonies were compelled to recognize the necessity of yielding something from the attitude of jealous independence, which characterized them. Between the English colonies and the French in Canada there was a steady rivalry for the possession of the fur trade of the Western country. Each had Indian allies, whose methods of warfare carried terror among their opponents.

The English were in numbers very much superior to the French; and if united and determined could have overwhelmed them. The unwillingness of the English to take any action in common was costing them dearly, as the outlying parts of all the colonies were being constantly harassed by the Indian tribes in league with the French.

William Smith, a thirty-six-year veteran of the Canadian Post Office Department, wrote this history to document the postal system's growth from colonial outpost to national institution. The work opens by acknowledging that the Canadian post office did not begin as an independent entity but as an extension of a British system already operating for nearly three-quarters of a century. Smith's preface reveals his method: he widened his research beyond Canada to include the older colonial postal network and its subordination to the General Post Office in London. The result is a study grounded in official records—transcripts from the Public Archives of Canada, colonial governors' correspondence, and legislative journals—as well as a notable artifact, Franklin's Account Book held in the Boston Public Library.

Colonial Dependence and London Control

The financial dimension of this dependence is equally clear. When Deputy Postmaster General Howe expanded service in New Brunswick, the secretary of the post office in London criticized any extension that did not generate revenue. Howe had carefully arranged that postages from new offices would cover local costs, but the London office's instinct was to restrain growth unless it yielded a treasury surplus. Smith's account thus highlights a persistent tension: colonial administrators sought to build infrastructure, while imperial authorities prioritized fiscal return.

The Slow Growth of Cape Breton's Postal Network

The ethnic composition of these settlements is noteworthy. On the west coast, French inhabitants clustered around Arichat and Petit de Grat, while Highland Scotch immigrants arrived via Pictou and took up land between the Gut of Canso and Margaree harbour. Smith's data suggests that postal routes followed these demographic lines, but the excerpts do not reveal whether the service reached all groups equitably. The slow population growth and scattered settlements likely constrained the postal system's expansion, a pattern Smith documents without explicit commentary.

Howe's 1825 Tour and the Challenge of Expansion

This tour exemplifies the logistical challenges of extending postal service across a sparsely populated, water-oriented region. Howe's method—using vessels for coastal travel and opening offices in sequence—reflects the practical realities of early nineteenth-century Canada. Yet the expansion provoked criticism from London: the secretary of the post office "could not bear to sanction an extension of the service which did not turn in something to the treasury." Howe's response was to apply postages collected at new offices to pay postmasters and couriers, ensuring the system did not lose money. The postmaster general ultimately approved, but the episode reveals the constant negotiation between local initiative and imperial fiscal discipline.

Readers approaching this work should expect a methodical, evidence-driven narrative rather than a popular history. Smith's reliance on official correspondence and legislative records means the text is dense with administrative detail—names, dates, and financial figures. The excerpts suggest that the book's value lies in its documentation of how imperial structures shaped colonial institutions, and in the specific episodes—like Howe's tour or Cape Breton's slow integration—that bring abstract policy to life. Those interested in the mechanics of empire or the pre-Confederation development of Canadian infrastructure will find this a rich primary source.

There’s something touching about how carefully our forebears chronicled the ordinary machinery of life—Franklin’s account book, the postmasters’ ledgers—all that patient paper. I found myself thinking of The Baronial Halls, and Ancient Picturesque Edifices of England; Vol. 1 of 2 — Context and Discussion, another world of stone and memory, yet both speak to the same quiet longing for permanence. Funny how we still search for it.

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